OD&Documentary Hypothesis, Part 1: Distinguishing G&A
I did the oopsie of assuming that a controversial, or at least non-consensus, position was actually a non-controversial consensus. From “Inaugurating the Icon0clasm Ball”:
Not only was OD&D interpreted (i.e., read or played) in various contradictory ways by contemporary readers, but its two authors encode contradictory visions of this game within its source text.
Did you catch that? In other words, “Gary and Dave had different priorities collaborating on Dungeons & Dragons, and this is apparent from the text as received.” I promised myself I wouldn’t do any more exegesis of this fucking thing, but that’s a big-ass claim. Is it true? Back when I was working on FMC, I was interested in the development of the OD&D text which consisted of a back-and-forth between its two authors. I’m indebted to Dan Boggs’ Hidden in Shadows blog which I read and internalized years ago, and the timeline below is from his original 2012 post on Beyond This Point Be Dragons:
- In 1972, Arneson sends Gygax a manuscript 16–20 pages long.
- In a few weeks, Gygax expands this manuscript to 50 pages (approximate to BTPBD).
- By 1975, Gygax completes a final draft (mostly ignoring Arneson’s suggestions).
Boggs’ project was to identify at which points were different aspects of D&D codified into what would become the original print. Much of it centers on Beyond This Point Be Dragons, the so-called Dalluhn manuscript, which Boggs originally identified as an Arnesonian ‘fork’ of D&D before eventually discovering it was compiled by Mark Bufkin who used to play in Arneson’s group and copied his notes for his own games with some personal touches, like only using six-sided dice (August 2017, November 2017, March 2018). Although, he says, we can’t know exactly what was in the original 18-ish pages, we can compare the content of BTPBD, FFC, and OD&D for what seems to originate from Arneson based on whether material in either BTPBD and OD&D also appear in Arneson's independent First Fantasy Campaign (November 2014):
- Weapon and armor prices
- Construction and prices
- Personnel costs
- Wilderness encounter matrix
- Wilderness evasion
- Wilderness movement rates
- Magic items (basic weapons, potions, scrolls)
- Monster descriptions (mechanics, army composition, wilderness statistics)
- Treasure categories
- Sleeping and subduing dragons
There’s some additional things not mentioned in that blog because they were some of the few contributions Arneson made to the final draft, which were mostly otherwise ignored by Gygax (but we guess they were added later because they were in FFC but not BTPBD): the first is an expansion of rules for magic swords, now having special abilities as well as alignment, intelligence, and egoism (Boggs, October 2016); and the aerial combat rules or “Battle in the Skies”, which Gygax abridged by name in the final version to ~3 pages from Arneson’s original 18 pages (Collins, August 2020).
Other aspects of the game, although they may have been (or certainly were) informed by Arneson’s original draft or Gygax’s experience playing his campaign, were at least filtered through Gygax’s creative lens. Boggs in his post attributes the concepts of classes, levels, experience, and abilities to Arneson, but I think the form they take in BTPBD are non-Arnesonian if not Gygaxian: fighters and wizards abilities are split into experience levels, each requiring 1k experience points, but fighter levels represent a sort of meta-experience into the meta-levels of flunky, hero, superhero from Chainmail (Boggs, February 2012), whereas Gygax assigns each level a specific fighting capability; Arneson had a unified system of equivalence between hit points, point value (to stock dungeons with monsters), and experience points (August 2014), whereas Gygax seems to build his system based on his memory of what he played, possibly partly informed by David Megarry's Dungeon! rather than Blackmoor directly, especially w.r.t. difficulty-scaling in dungeons (August 2019); Gygax condenses Arneson’s list of bespoke personal characteristics into the six ‘standard’ abilities (December 2012); and whereas Arneson built his system on top of Chainmail, except giving figures multiple hit points, Gygax built or recreated from memory a D20 system and modeled figure statistics using hit dice as opposed to hit points (e.g., a hero is defined as 4 hit dice rather than as 14 hit points, also referencing them being equivalent to the hero figure of 4 virtual men in Chainmail, but also granularizing counts of virtual men at intermediate fighter levels). So, that’s what we know.
But that’s not what I said! Sure, Arneson co-authored and thus probably contributed to the composition of OD&D, and we can probably guess what those contributions were by comparing his self-published materials to the drafts and eventually published version of OD&D. That doesn’t mean that the two authors had different priorities in their play-campaigns, with those differences being manifest in their collaborative work (or, rather, that the two authors’ contributions, as described above, express different priorities); or that the work prefigures different interpretations of itself (partly) because of its internal contradictions. Each of those points is a separate thesis which one-by-one builds upon the initial thesis that the authors’ contributions can be distinguished at all. So, we have that foundation: but do the other points hold up? I don’t know. Really.
You thought that was gonna be one post, anyway?
One difficulty with this approach is in taking the author's (purported) playstyles and draft material to be primary over the OD&D text itself, attempting to draw a line of authorial influence from one to the other. This seems to be fairly murky territory, or at least to risk falling into the interpretive methods that have been widely criticized in Barthes' "Death of the Author" and elsewhere. Because of this, I think the internal contradiction claim is more convincing when made from within the OD&D text itself rather than through parsing out different authorial influences.
ReplyDeletethat's actually exactly what i've already written for part 2! this part is just context which i had internalized and wanted to explicate so i wasn't taking it for granted
Deleteworst part is that i say in the beginning that i'm going to invoke the death of the author before anyone else does---oh no!
DeleteNice, looking forward to part 2
DeleteHi Marcia, long time reader & love the blog. Hope I'm not stepping on something you've planned for pt. 2, but I've been really fixated on this question and you got me thinking about it again.
ReplyDeleteOne of the difficulties I've had w/ the Boggs approach (and also the Peterson textual-source only approach) is how blind it is to (on one hand) concrete game dynamics as they actually existed in play, and (on the other) the sort of speculative 'white lies' G&A liked to tell about their games as they slowly came to imagine them. For instance, A's Dec. 1972 letter to G refers only to certain "minor" modifications to Chainmail, when really nothing but the weapon list survived. Likewise, in the opposite direction, G made sure to design and include domain level content he never (!) play-tested pre-publication based on things he didn't experience or get notes on (but had heard about, and imagined, and wanted to represent) from A's game. Even post publication, there's all sorts of weird details -- like the SR article where G retrospectively justifies his glacial leveling speed with reference to a period where A's fast 'leveling' characters were essentially 'level-capped'. Its unclear if he's willfully distorting things, or just unclear on the history himself.
So we have this weird situation from 1972 on with G and A developing their game based on some imaginary (I-tradition?) practice of play which each of them supposes the other designer would like, or intend. Underlying this is some actual Blackmoor practice (B-tradition?), which is not necessarily self-same with (and tbh was way more domain-focused than) the filtered notes A mailed to G. At least with trad Biblical source criticism you get a kind of unidirectional tree with a few written sources. Instead, we have to deal with this bizarre morass of real and imaginary sources emerging concurrently in conversation with each other. Not just G and A, but also B, and I-A, and I-G, and... it's such a mess!
- Teagan
hi teagan, thank you for your kind words and really provocative questions! 😊 i agree that od&d as a text is an unreliable narrator with respect to how either gygax or arneson actually played, the specifics of which (like you said) are also unreliably narrated because of distant memory or embarrassment on either's part. i'm restricting part 2 to an analysis of the text by itself because that's the only thing about which we can speak confidently regardless of its relationship to actual play (and in which, i think, there's still plenty of interesting things to sort out; that regardless of a distinction between what they played versus what they wrote, the things they wrote still manifest different tendencies).
Deletebut that's still a really interesting question i also wonder about! i will say there's a line of inquiry i follow in part 2 about the relationship between d&d and chainmail that gagged me a little bit: we always think that gygax is being dishonest either about saying he didn't use chainmail for d&d or about him including references to chainmail in d&d regardless. my mini-hypothesis, that i just stumbled upon, is that we owe chainmail in d&d to arneson (who originates the wilderness encounters, army composition statistics, and mass-scale passages from d&d) rather than gygax, and the latter despite often lying didn't seem to lie in that case. it's funny!
I'd never thought of it like that, but it makes sense to me! Esp. since the references to Chainmail are mostly in spell descriptions & character-type specifications, which iirc were at least somewhat-retained in Arneson's game, right? Even when the surrounding systems were dropped.
DeleteNow I'm wondering if there was a kind of 're-analysis' going on with Chainmail. Like you see Gygax reintroduce the Chainmail Knight attack restrictions for the Chevalier in 1E Unearthed Arcana; I wonder if that was going on even earlier? I've always read the tension between AD&D's combat system as-described (basically Chainmail) and the hex-facing diagrams near the front of the book (definitely not Chainmail) as a vestigial reference, but now I'm curious if it went the other way. Like, maybe Gygax is playing his d20 elfgame system for a few years with facing (which would make sense with the Lakofka 1977 wound system?), and when he starts dropping all the complex stuff and goes to write the simplified DMG, he reintroduces random attacks and 'melees' as a self-consciously old-school 'return' to something he was never playing with before. Huh!
Excited for the next post :)